FIRST
PERSON
By Alex Magno
There
is a rebellion well underway — and the traditional means government
has to quash such risings will not work this time.
The
rebellion is happening in cyberspace, led by a shadowy conspiracy
calling itself Anonymous. Its creed is freedom. Its advance guards
are highly talented hackers. Its weapons are personal computers. The
frontline is everywhere. Every targeted government website, scores of
them, all proved vulnerable.
We
know the power of the “hacktivists” engaged in this rebellion.
Last year, when President Aquino did a highly publicized interview
with YouTube, an on-line rally was called by a network calling itself
The Noisy Minority. The rally swamped the website carrying the
presidential interview, drowning it with adverse content.
The
Noisy Minority proved that the administration’s army of trolls (the
cyber equivalent of Hitler’s brown shirted bullies) may be easily
overwhelmed by bloggers acting in concert. It is said the
administration’s chief propagandist, chief of the trolls, cussed
continuously for hours as the tide of battle turned against the
Palace.
This
time, the battle is more than just over which content dominated. The
battle has taken on a more military form. Government websites were
identified one by one and brought down by hackers. Cyber guerrillas
held the initiative from the start, selecting their targets and then
reporting the body count as sites were penetrated and taken down.
No
firewall could be strong enough to resist the assault. No encryption
was impregnable. No site could withstand the withering attack.
This
is people’s war waged in cyberspace. It involved all who wish to
engage.
The
provocation for this cyber war is the sloppy law that Congress passed
and the President signed, apparently without much thought.
The
most pernicious provision in this law, according to what we know now,
is an item inserted by Senator Tito Sotto at the bicameral level. The
item applies the obsolete libel law to on-line content. The
controversial item somehow escaped scrutiny in both chambers as they
ratified the final version. It somehow escaped notice at the Palace
as well, as the President simply signed bill into law.
The
repressive law also underscores the fact that the legislative process
was not as transparent and consultative as it should be. Netizens are
scandalized that menacing provisions could be so casually inserted
into the law with no debate whatsoever.
Where
formal electoral politics seems to have failed as the arena for
checking those in power, cyberspace now becomes the meaningful
dimension for citizens to be heard.
Accommodation
Like
the controversial law restricting freedom in cyberspace, the bill
that will gerrymander Camarines Sur appears to be driven by political
accommodation. Although the bill is not on the administration’s
legislative priority list, it has powered ahead because no one seems
willing to displease traditional political kingpins.
Proponents
of the bill now quote Comelec chairman Sixto Brillantes as having
said the electoral body will be willing to extend the deadline for
the filing of candidacies to December in order to await passage of
the bill carving out a portion of Camarines Sur into a brand new
province. If this is true, it is most bizarre.
Why
should the Comelec bend over backwards, exempt the politicians of an
entirely prospective new province from the deadline for filing of
candidacies? This seems entirely presumptuous — and yet the Comelec
chairman has not explicitly denied statements attributed to him.
If
the Comelec extends the deadline, they seem to be saying the creation
of a new province is inevitable. They seem to be assuming the bill
will become law as soon as Congress returns from its break and the
President will readily sign the new law as he did the law on
cybercrimes. Furthermore, the poll body appears sure the people of
Camarines Sur will endorse a creation of a new province in a
referendum.
How
much time will be needed to pass that bill, have it signed into law
and conduct a referendum? That will happen within the remaining
months of this year only if there is broad consensus on the absolute
urgency of undertaking this obvious act of gerrymandering.
There
is no consensus on creating a new Camarines province. On the
contrary, there is deep division on the matter. Even if the law is
rushed into place, the proposed capital of the new province, a
third-class municipality, does not even have the facilities to host a
provincial government. One study estimates that at least P280 million
is required to build those facilities.
The
creation of a new province will have serious adverse financial
repercussions for Camarines Sur. It will have to share its IRA with
the new province. New civil servants will have to be trained. Ongoing
programs will be hampered.
On
top of it all, a recent survey shows an overwhelming majority of the
people of Camarines Sur will reject the creation of a new province.
Notwithstanding, its creation is being rushed by the old boys’ club
of politicians. The old boy who chairs the Comelec seems perfectly
willing to bend the rules to make this ill-timed and uneconomical
political project a reality in record time.
There
seems to be only one reason why this impractical project of creating
a new province is being rushed: it suits the need for political
control of the Fuentebella family that ruled this section of
Camarines Sur for over a century. This section of an existing
province generations of Fuentebellas lorded over is among the
poorest, least developed areas of the country. The bill will simply
make it easier for this feudal lordship to be perpetuated.
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