Wednesday, November 13, 2019
Why eight Jesuits five blocks from ground zero survived. eastwind journals By Bernie V. Lopez, firstname.lastname@example.org Freelance blogger, retired columnist Philippine Daily Inquirer Facebook “Eastwind Journals” / “Bernie Lopez” Share via blog link – http://www.sisterraquel.com/2019/09/the-first-nuclear August 6, 1945, feast of the Transfiguration, marks the infamous date in human history. The first-ever nuclear bomb fell on Hiroshima, Japan, heralding the nuclear age where Man is now capable of destroying Himself and the Earth many times over, as prophesied by Our Lady of Fatima. Everything was vaporized within a mile, except for a church five blocks from Ground Zero. About 100,000 were killed instantly, and the casualties climbed up to about ten-fold within a few years due to radiation sickness. Fr. Hubert Schiffer, SJ, one of the survivors, said, “We survived because we were living the message of Fatima. We lived and prayed the rosary in that home.” This is why Satan is so afraid of the rosary. On the third apparition at Fatima, Our Lady showed the three children a terrifying vision of hell for Mankind, saying “If you do as I ask (prayer, penance, say the rosary), many souls will be saved, and peace will reign on Earth. The war will end, but if you do not stop offending God, there will be an even worse one.” Fatima predicted the Spanish Civil War, World Wars I and II, and a possible future nuclear war. The 20-kiloton Hiroshima bomb is dwarfed today by thousands of multiple-warhead 5-megaton bombs worldwide (250 times more powerful). One such bomb can obliterate Manhattan in New York in the blink of an eye before one can say a prayer. There have been a few accidental cases of near nuclear war based not on conflict but on technical reasons or plain human error. The prospect of nuclear war today hangs over Mankind like the Sword of Damocles. Let us return to the Lord, resort to prayer and penance, and pray for peace on our troubled planet. God-sent disasters are always followed by messages of hope, as in the rainbows that appeared to Noah after the deluge, in New York after 9/11, and in Tacloban after Yolanda. The God of wrath is the God of mercy, as shown in the eastwind posters below. eastwind posters p216B Jesuits at hiroshima LONG SHOT p216C Jesuits at hiroshima PORTRAITS p216D Fatima message p98C rose petal Fatima pope SHORT p195 fatima mediatrix p97B maribojoc earthquake http://www.sisterraquel.com/2019/09/the-first-nuclear-bomb-of-human-history-why-8-jesuits-5-blocks-from-ground-zero-survived-2/
Tuesday, November 12, 2019
By Rigoberto D. Tiglao November 11, 2019
PRESIDENT Duterte’s appointment of the unoccupied Vice President Leonor Robredo as vice chairman of the Inter-Agency Committee on Anti-Illegal Drugs (ICAD) was certainly unexpected. Just as unexpected was Robredo’s near-immediate acceptance of the appointment.
Perhaps it is a reflection of our sick political culture that many of the reactions to this turn of events pontificated on Duterte’s political motivation. For example, one early reaction was that it was a a devious move (if she had rejected it) for him to unmask the Vice President’s hollowness, that she was all blah-blah against the war on drugs, but really wouldn’t want to be waking up every morning to do some real work.
The Yellows, on the other hand, are applauding Robredo’s decision, claiming that it turns out to be a big mistake for Duterte, who thought that she wouldn’t call his bluff. One such couldn’t help herself from showing her glee, writing in her column: “Look whose star has risen in the firmament.” On the other hand, another anti-Duterte critic wrote:”Duterte is cleverly setting up Robredo as a scapegoat, for the failure of the war vs drugs. “
Hold on. Forget whatever motivation Duterte may have, and just focus on what the President did objectively.
Not because of the leadership but simply because she occupies the highest ranking post in government, Robredo is chairman of the Liberal Party, its symbolic head. And the Liberal Party is the opposition party, isn’t it?
So, objectively, Duterte has appointed the opposition’s highest official as vice chair of the ICAD, to be his partner in arguably his most important objective in his six-year term as president, which is to end the proliferation of illegal drugs in the country.
What does that mean politically? It signifies that he has boldly reached out to the opposition and offered it a major, even crucial role in his government. It means Duterte has demonstrated he intends to be a unifying president, even if that entails the risk of politically helping the opposition.
Indeed some claim that that he has even injected political energy into the opposition leader who was getting to have a reputation of having loony ideas, thereby giving her a chance to rise politically to be a “presidentiable” in 2020.
In the past three years, Duterte has proven to be so politically astute that he knows he was taking these huge political risks when he appointed Robredo as ICAD vice chairman.
I’m not an admirer of Robredo. But as a nation, we shouldn’t really care if Robredo’s star rises or not for her to have a shot at the presidency, if she could help in eradicating the scourge of illegal drugs in this country.
Duterte’s unifying move isn’t unprecedented. President Ramos appointed the opposition vice president then Joseph Estrada as head of the Presidential Anti-Crime Commission. To his credit, or to his operative, now Sen. Panfilo Lacson, Estrada did exterminate the robbery and kidnapping gangs that had proliferated at that time.
As president starting in 1998, Estrada in turn appointed the victorious opposition candidate for vice president, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, as social welfare and development secretary. That was a bold move on Estrada’s part, as he gave to Arroyo one of the main apparatuses for undertaking his avowed goal, which was to reduce poverty.
That these two vice presidents did get to be president should have worried Duterte. He wasn’t. His spokesman Salvador Panelo was really speaking for him when he commented; “We’re giving her a ladder to the presidency, this is her chance, this is her moment. She should accept it. Be in the moment, help the Filipino people, help this country and help herself.”
Duterte through his spokesman is in effect saying: “I don’t care if it becomes a ladder to the presidency, as long as she helps the country demolish the scourge of illegal drugs.”
How unified more? Duterte’s administration has the highest rating ever. Table from SWS
Is there an ICAD vice chairman?
Having said that though, I hope Executive Secretary Salvador Medialdea does his attorneying job for the President by issuing the necessary document to amend Executive Order 15 that created the ICAD.
That executive order provided that the ICAD be headed by a chairman, which it strangely designates not the head of the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency, but the organization itself. The EO designates as ICAD members 20 departments and agencies, and specifies that these entities must designate “permanent representatives” with the rank of undersecretary or assistant secretary.
But Duterte’s EO does not designate any ICAD vice chair. Unless the EO is amended, Duterte appointed Robredo to a non-existent post. Robredo was obviously so excited about her new role she didn’t bother to check if there was one.
I may be exaggerating of course in my use of “unifying,” as the nation has never been unified before as it has been today. This is not my opinion but based on the most recent (September 2019) Social Weather Stations survey that showed that 77 percent of Filipinos were satisfied with the national government, and only 10 percent dissatisfied. That means a net satisfaction rating (satisfied minus dissatisfied) of plus 67 percent.
Under-reported by media, which instead highlighted Duterte’s dip in net satisfaction ratings to September’s plus 67 from plus 73 in June, no other president, including Cory Aquino, has received such level of rating at any point of his or her administration. At the same period, or after three years into their terms, Cory’s administration had a plus14 net satisfaction rating; Ramos, plus10; Estrada, plus 2 in December 2001 before reaching his third year in office; Arroyo, plus 18; and Aquino 3rd plus 35.
And to think that Duterte has had the Philippine Daily Inquirer, ABS-CBN Broadcasting, several online US-funded new sites relentlessly painting a picture of him as a dictator “bathed in blood,” convincing nearly the entire US media to see him as such.
Duterte likely knew where he stood, that he was so confident, as Panelo put it, to give Robredo a “ladder to the presidency.” Why is it that my gut-feel is that she’ll trip on her own while she’s on the ladder, as she keeps looking at the people watching her?
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By Rigoberto D. Tiglao November 8, 2019
THE colossal hoax contrived in 1974 by the insurgent Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) of an alleged massacre of 1,500 Muslims in a barangay called Malisbong in Sultan Kudarat province, was intended to rouse to anger Muslim Arab leaders, especially the fiery Libyan strongman Muammar Gaddafi, so they would support, with their newfound oil wealth, the fledgling Moro insurgency.
The idea came from the propaganda success of the so-called Jabidah “massacre,” another hoax — that earlier case a concoction of then opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. — which had convinced many Muslim students in Manila to join the MNLF. Because “Jabidah” revealed Marcos’ secret plans to invade Sabah, it prodded Malaysia into throwing its full support behind the MNLF, giving it huge funds to buy arms, training its first corps of military officers, and providing its leaders refuge in their territory.
Do the photos express horror over a massacre? Zeitlin in Palimbang, where the purported ‘massacre’ occurred, a few days after the alleged event happened. From Amaral, A.E. The Awakening of Milbuk: Diary of a Missionary Priest (2016: Authorhouse, Indiana)
In the case of the Malisbong deception, the MNLF thought that such a “massacre” could further inflame Gaddafi against the Marcos government that he would convince Middle East Muslim nations to stop exporting oil to the Philippines. Indeed, it was reported at the time that Gadaffi, after listening to a BBC news broadcast that a Christian paramilitary group called Ilagas had massacred 70 Muslims, became so enraged that he announced that he would ask Muslim countries to impose an oil embargo against the Philippines. While that plan fell through, Gaddafi still sent financial aid to the MNLF, and provided refuge to its leaders, mainly its chairman Nur Misuari.
Ironically though, it was the MNLF’s efforts to fool the media into believing its deception of a massacre of Muslims in Sultan Kudarat that provides us — 45 years later — with one of the most convincing evidence that those killings never occurred.
The MNLF tried hard to sell the fake story of a massacre to foreign media. Only the New York Times bought it, but qualified it as a “rumor” in a March 25, 1975 New York Times piece that was a wrap-up of the entire Muslim insurgency. That was the first and last time foreign or local media referred to a “Malisbong massacre.”
Quoting an unidentified “Moslem,” the New York Times piece read:
“In Palimbang (municipality where Malisbong was) a detachment of marines systematically started executing Moslem noncombatants last October and 800 were slain, he charged. Non-Moslem sources said that they had heard of the Palimbang incident but that fewer than 200 were killed. The government denies that any such incident occurred, but it is already part of the popular history of the war to local Moslems.”
Fortunately for historical truth, there was one foreign correspondent who was in the area at the time who assiduously investigated the claim, and interviewed Muslims there who tried to sell him the yarn. This was Associated Press Manila Bureau chief Arnold Zeitlin, a very much-respected journalist who covered and filed many articles on the Moro insurgency in the early years of martial law.
In an email to me in June last year, Zeitlin said that while there were rumors that a massacre occurred, it could not be verified and there were no eyewitnesses, and he therefore did not file even a piece on such a rumor.
“We never found authoritative sources to determine the extent of deaths. We never had a story that met balanced journalism standards,” Zeitlin said.
Zeitlin’s testimony is impeccable, his integrity and capability as a journalist is unquestionable. He covered Mindanao in the early years of martial law. He wrote critical articles on the army’s campaign against the MNLF, including the naval bombing of Jolo in February 1974. Because of his intrepid coverage, the Marcos regime deported him in 1976, the first foreign journalist the Marcos regime banned from the country.
Zeitlin would have reported a massacre, and he was on the scene to have done so quite easily, if it did occur. But it didn’t.
Zeitlin’s Filipino deputy Guillermo Santos, also a respected journalist in that period, further explained: “I double-checked the (Malisbong) report with my AFP and PC-INP sources, our usual intelligence networks and they all had no information of the ‘massacre.’ The late Rommel Corro who was with us in the AP and had his own private sources throughout Mindanao drew a blank as well. So the AP didn’t carry that story.”
With its failure to fool foreign media, the MNLF soon abandoned its project to concoct a yarn about “1,500 Muslims massacred.” It also had become useless to do so. The Libyan strongman Gaddafi obviously stopped believing such tales: He arm-twisted the MNLF into agreeing to a peace settlement in 1976 with the Marcos government. Why would he do that if there had been such a gruesome, massacre of “1,500 Muslims”?
There is another account of that period that disproves that there was such a massacre of Muslims, and that instead, there was a massacre of non-Muslims.
This is a blog of the Our Lady of Perpetual Help Parish in Milbuk, which is just 10 kilometers away from Malisbong. The blog had a history of the parish’s area, which covers the entire Palimbang municipality. It does not mention at all that there was a massacre in nearby Malisbong on Sept. 24, 1974. At the scale it was claimed — 1,500 innocent Moros killed — to have occurred, it would have been impossible for the parish priests not to have mentioned it.
The blog in fact reveals what really happened:
“It was the existence of [the US-owned] Weyerhaeuser Philippines Inc., a logging company that made Milbuk an abundant and peaceful place to live in. However, this situation did not last very long because of the conflict between the [Moro] “Blackshirts” and [Ilonggo] Ilagas in the ‘70s, which spilled over to Milbuk.
“An Infantry Brigade was sent to Milbuk to protect the people from the conflict. But on Aug. 6, 1974, the first ambush occurred that killed 11 employees of the logging company and nine Manobos. A number of employees were also wounded. Then on September 3, there was another ambush at Barangay Kanipaan where several company employees died on their way home.
“Milbuk was so tense that people didn’t know where to turn to. The only way out of Milbuk was through pump boats, but fearing that this would cost more lives, the company as well as the military ordered that people should remain calm and stay in their homes to avoid being hit by stray bullets.
“Because of the situation, the company was forced to close its operation for more than three months. Food and medicine, however, were provided by the company, and the Society of Oblates of Notre Dame Sisters helped in giving medical assistance to the wounded. During this time, the Church remained the center of faith and hope for the people because of its presence, in spite of the fact that almost 65 percent of the populace of Milbuk left and transferred to other places in Mindanao to seek for greener pastures.”
After several months of trouble, Milbuk was able to move on with the arrival of Greenbelt Wood Products Inc. (owned by a Chinese national) whose employees and workers came from Labasan, Zamboanga del Sur. The community was again alive and happy. The succeeding years up to 1995, when Greenbelt finally left Milbuk, was relatively peaceful and enjoyable.
If there had been a massacre of 1,500 Muslims just 10 kilometers away, the biggest such massacre of Muslim ever claimed in our modern history, the parish’s history would have reported it.
If there had been a massacre just 10 kilometers away, would that new company operate there and the Milbuk residents continue to live there, with the prospect of a Muslim retaliation?
A confirmation of this account of the parish history was in the form of a comment posted in my column last Monday, November 4, by Mr. Osias Moscoso: “I was a former member of an auditing firm that serviced Weyerhaeuser Phil’s. logging camp based at Milbuk, Palimbang, Sultan Kudarat until the logging firm closed operation. I will agree with you Mr. Tiglao that no massacre happened among our Muslim brothers and sisters in Malisbong. The massacred victims were Weyerhaeuser’s workers by armed groups.”
A horrific “massacre of 1,500 Muslims and the rape of 1,000 of their women” by soldiers would have been investigated and reported by scholars, who would have the time and resources to do so. No such scholarly studies reported such a massacre.
A University of California 1998 book by Prof. Thomas McKenna, “Muslim Rulers and Rebels” discussed several cases of atrocities against Muslims. It didn’t mention a “Malisbong massacre” or even rumors of such an atrocity.
A 2014 article in the International Organization for Scientific Research’s Journal Of Humanities and Social Science by Marjanie Salic Macaslaong titled “The Liberation Movements in Mindanao: Islām as a Thrusting Force” was clearly biased for the MNLF and the MILF. It listed 20 incidents of Muslim civilians massacred and even gave vivid details on the “Manili Massacre” of 70 “Muslims civilians — including women and children — mercilessly massacred inside a mosque.”
The study didn’t mention at all a “Malisbong massacre.”
Both studies even discussed the “Jabidah Massacre” as if it really happened, even as I had thoroughly exposed it as a hoax by the Liberal Party.* Yet both had totally no mention at all of a “Malisbong massacre.”
This propaganda project of the 1970s would have been long forgotten, and certainly would not be the subject of a newspaper column, if the Yellows and the Commission on Human Rights headed by Loretta Rosales, gullible or complicit in the scheme, had not allowed it to be resurrected in 2014, for unscrupulous people to use it as a scam to grab millions of pesos through the 2014 Human Rights Victims Compensation Law.
At our nation’s expense — that it is one where Christian soldiers are ruthless murderers of 1,500 helpless Muslims and rapists of 1,000 Muslim women, with its media complicit in hiding such atrocity.
We have never been that kind of people.
Next Monday: Anatomy of a deception.
*This hoax is extensively discussed in my book Debunked: Uncovering Hard Truths About EDSA, Martial Law, Marcos, Aquino, with a special section on the Duterte presidency, available online www.rigoberto.tiglao.com/debumnked or at amazon.com, and at Popular and National Book stores.
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Monday, November 11, 2019
Sunday, November 10, 2019
Unadultered BS! Award winning journalist busts Ressa’s ‘pa-victim’ spin: What war zone have you been in?
An acclaimed foreign journalist has called out Rappler founder and Chief Executive Officer Maria Ressa for trying to portray herself as a victim of oppression under President Rodrigo Duterte.