by
Datu Jamal Yahya Abbas
Amil Hussein Jalilullah is 30 years old and a full time graduate student. He belongs to the Sama ethnic group, which is indigenous to Tawi-Tawi and neighboring islands. With a scholarship grant from Muslim donors, he is pursuing his M.A. in Islamic Studies at U.P. Religious and unassuming, Mel, as he likes to be called, hopes to be an Islamic scholar in the tradition of contemporary Islamic thinkers like Iqbal and Maududi.
Amil Hussein Jalilullah is 30 years old and a full time graduate student. He belongs to the Sama ethnic group, which is indigenous to Tawi-Tawi and neighboring islands. With a scholarship grant from Muslim donors, he is pursuing his M.A. in Islamic Studies at U.P. Religious and unassuming, Mel, as he likes to be called, hopes to be an Islamic scholar in the tradition of contemporary Islamic thinkers like Iqbal and Maududi.
The
recent massive deportation of Moros from Sabah disheartened Mel
because he could not believe that a Muslim country could do such
atrocities against Muslims. Migration is very important in Islam. The
first Muslims migrated to Abyssinia to flee the cruelty of the Arab
pagans. The Prophet himself migrated to Madina and set up the first
Muslim Community (Ummah).
Mel
joined his classmates and went to demonstrate against Malaysian
actions. He and his classmates are all members of their graduate
students’ association, the UP-ASSABIYAH (Group Solidarity).
They called on everyone to consider the plight of the Halaw. Halaw is
a Malay term adapted by the Tausug to refer to migrants in Sabah
displaced in a disgraceful manner. The term halaw implies that these
people (their humanity) were “violated”.
Mel
comes from Bongao, Tawi Tawi. He lives practically a boat ride away
from Sabah. He had always regarded Sabah as part of the Sulu
Sultanate just as Tawi-Tawi is part of the Sulu Sultanate although
the Philippine government considers Sulu and Tawi-Tawi as two
separate provinces.
He
believes that the Philippines should claim Sabah because “it
belongs to Sulu.” He says, “Getting Sabah would be better for
Tawi-Tawi, for the Sulu Sultanate and the Philippine government.”
But
who truly owns Sabah?
The
massive deportation of Moros from Sabah has sparked new interest in
the ownership of this rich Malaysian state in North Borneo. Perhaps
thinking that it would help his country, the Malaysian Ambassador to
the Philippines, Mohammad Taufiq announced on Sept. 2 that Malaysia's
Finance Ministry paid early this year the Sultanate of Sulu in
southern Philippines its yearly "rent" of M$5,000
(HK$10,250) for Sabah. This surprised Filipino congressmen, who did
not know that Malaysia pays annual rent to the Sulu Sultanate. For
many congressmen and Christian Filipinos in general, the Sulu
Sultanate had disappeared long ago and is now a mere figment of the
imagination.
Realizing
the logic that he who pays rent does not own the property, some
congressmen immediately called for the return of Sabah to the
Philippines. The Malaysian ambassador tried to cover his faux pax by
saying that it was not rental fee but “cession fee”.
The
Philippine government through no less than its President announced
that the claim to Sabah would be studied carefully. "We affirmed
that we can indeed come up with a national unified position on the
Sabah issue at this time," a presidential palace statement dated
5 September quoted the President as saying. Representative
Apolinario Lozada called the Malaysian presence in Sabah as an
“occupation” by a foreign government.
HISTORICAL
ANTECEDENTS
During
the dynastic war in Brunei in the 1650’s between Sultan
Mu’adin and Sultan Abdul Mubin, the former
asked the help of the Sultan of Sulu (Salah ud Din Bakhtiar).
The Sulus came to the aid of Mu’adin and defeated Abdul Mubin. In
exchange, the victorious Brunei Sultan gave Sabah and Palawan to the
Sulu Sultan.
European
powers recognized Sulu’s sovereignty over Sabah. Eighteenth and
nineteenth-century European maps usually indicated North Borneo as
"territories of the Sultan of Sulu."
On
Jan. 22, 1878, the Sulu Sultan Jamal
ul Azam leased
Sabah to Baron Overbeck. The Sulu Sultan also gave Overbeck the title
of Datu Bendahara and Rajah of Sandakan, thus making him his
subject.tan Jamal ul Azam and the Deed of 1878
When
the Americans occupied Sulu, the US declared that while they had
sovereignty over all Philippine Islands, they recognized the Sulu
Sultan's sovereignty over his possessions outside the Philippines.
The US made it plain to England in official statements in 1906 and in
1920 that Sabah belonged to the Sultanate of Sulu.
Sultan
Jamal ul-Kiram II died in 1936 without a direct heir. His
niece and adopted child, Princess Piandao succeeded
him as Pangyan (Sultana) of Sulu. But the some members of the Ruma
Bichara (the Council of Elders) did not like the idea that their
Pangyan was married to a non-Tausug. When Pangyan Piandao insisted
that her husband, Datu Ombra Amilbangsa be declared
Sultan, half of the Ruma Bichara withdrew their support for Piandao
and instead proclaimed Piandao’s cousins Zein ul-Abidin
II and Princess Tarhata as Sultan and
Pangyan of Sulu.
With
two sultans and sultanas, the ownership of Sabah came into question.
It became confusing even to the Americans and the British. To set the
matter straight, the heirs of Jamal-ul Kiram II asked the Sabah Court
to decide on who are the real heirs of the late Sultan. The so-called
McCluskey decision in 1939 recognized the proprietary rights of the
Sulu royalty to Sabah and named the heirs and their shares.
Although
the Philippines became independent in 1946 and Mindanao and Sulu were
included in the Republic, Manila’s hold on the South was tenuous.
It practically had no idea that Sabah belonged to Sulu. Or if it did,
it made no action whatsoever to include Sabah to the Philippines. In
1957 England granted its Malay colonies independence and the Sulu
royals, along with the Indonesian government, protested immediately.
It was only then that the new Philippine Republic faced the Sabah
issue.
In 1961, Malaysia invited Singapore and Sabah to join
the federation. The Sulu royalty again protested. The Sulu royals
granted the Philippine President, Diosdado Macapagal, the authority
to claim Sabah. Macapagal promptly opposed the Sabah annexation and
sent a delegation to London.
But neither Indonesia nor the Philippines could do anything because England declared that, with all its might, it stood firmly behind the creation of Malaysia. The US refused to back up Philippine claims and Indonesia had no one to turn to.
President Marcos tried to
get Sabah by hook or by crook but it ended with the fiasco now known
as the Jabidah massacre, which inspired the Moros to resume the Moro
Wars in the early 1970s. One of the results of the ‘70s Moro Wars
was the displacement of about half a million Moros to Sabah.
Despite
Sabah’s annexation to the Malaysian Federation and Sulu’s
inclusion in the Philippine Republic, the State of Sabah continues to
pay annual rent to the Sulu royals as specified in the1878 lease,
which now amounts to a mere token. The Sulu royalty since 1957
refuses to accept the annual rent although it receives the letters of
payment.
REVOCATION
In
1989, Sultan Jamal ul-Kiram III sent a formal notice
to the Philippine government revoking the Sultanate’s authorization
to the Philippine government to claim Sabah. In a press conference on
September 4 at the Sulo hotel, Sultan Jama ul-Kiram III reiterated
its revocation of the Philippine government’s authority to
negotiate for Sabah.
Sultan
Kiram’s lawyer, Firdausi Ismail Abbas, the Sultan of Lanao,
said that the 1989 formal notice merely underscored the failure of
the Philippine government to press the claims on Sabah, as agreed
upon by the Sultanate and the Philippine government. “We actually
consider the authorization nullified as far back as 1963, when Sabah
became a part of the Malaysian federation," Sultan Abbas said.
ASKING
PHILIPPINE ASSISTANCE
However,
the Sultan of Sulu is still is asking the Philippine government to
help bring the Sabah issue to the United Nations in “behalf of the
Filipino people.”
But
his lawyer said that the Sultanate of Sulu is giving the Philippine
government only up to six months to bring the issue to the United
Nations. Lawyer Abbas said that there are forums other than the U.N.
which the Sulu Sultanate can air its demands.
PROSPECTS
Harry
Roque, a law professor at UP says that a legal principle known as
uti posseditis juris “accords pre-eminence of legal title
over effective possession as a basis of sovereignty.” The Sulu
Sultanate holds all legal documents to prove their ownership.
However, realpolitik seems to indicate otherwise.
The
prospects of the Philippine claim to Sabah do not seem to look good.
Despite the lawmakers’ insistence, Press Secretary Ignacio Bunye
said, "the Sabah issue remains a low priority."
Mel’s
mentor, Prof. Julkipli Wadi of the UP Institute of Islamic Studies
also believes that the Sultan of Sulu, Jamal ul-Kiram III is the
rightful sovereign of Sabah but he thinks that the claim will not
prosper in the immediate future. He maintains that the Philippine
government does not have the “capability, the right leadership and
the political will” to successfully claim Sabah. He said that the
Sulu Sultanate is “sandwiched between two governments” with their
own selfish agendas. Finally, he said that the Philippine government
is simply “not willing” to pursue the Sabah claim seriously.
Mel
is firm in his belief that Sabah belongs to Sulu. But when confronted
with the idea that if Sabah becomes part of the Philippines, it might
become like Mindanao and Sulu, Mel had a change of heart. “If by
Sulu getting Sabah means that (Christian) Filipinos will lord it over
Sabah just as they do in Mindanao and Sulu, then it would be better
for Sabah to stay with Malaysia,” he concluded.
Mel’s
conclusion is echoed by most of his classmates. Even with the present
hardships inflicted by Malaysians on Moros in Sabah, it appears that
Moro ties with Sabah and the Muslim Malays formed by centuries of
shared history, kinship and religion is still stronger than Moro ties
with Christian Filipinos formed by the creation of a Commonwealth in
1935 or a nation-state called the Republic of the Philippines in
1946.
(END/ SEPT. 2002)
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