Eagle
Eyes
By Dean Tony La
Viña
The
recent passage of Republic Act 10175, the Cybercrime Prevention Act,
has raised such uproar as to attract even the attention of Western
news services. Triggering the uproar is the linking of libel
(defamation through publication) in the Revised Penal Code to RA
10175. This allows for the prosecution of libel committed through the
Internet as the communications device—while also making the act of
libel itself (independent of using the Internet to commit said libel)
independently punishable under the RPC. In layman’s terms, that’s
two charges a defendant will have to face in court. In relation to
this is the “take-down” clause allowing the Department of Justice
to shut down violating Internet sites without a court order, and
Section 6, automatically raising the penalty imposed one degree
higher.
This
controversy has practically sparked a war waged by Internet
“hacktivists” who use their skills to deface and disrupt
Philippine government Web sites, in a shame-and-inconvenience
campaign, as in the Internet and the outside world, ordinary netizens
have vocally expressed their disapproval. Cooler heads, meanwhile,
have filed Supreme Court petitions and legislative action seeking to
modify or annul contentious portions of RA 10175. I would join
those cooler heads. I believe that by expressly identifying libel as
a crime that can be committed via the Internet (which further
enhances the problematic criminalization of libel itself), the
Cybercrime Law has an inadvertent “chilling effect” on the free
speech rights not just of the press, but alarmingly of ordinary
Filipino citizens.
In
the past, accusations of libel have been effectively limited mostly
to members of the professional press, because the act of publication
required to define an act as libel was an act that can only be
feasibly executed by print and broadcast media. Moreover, the
dissemination power of the media to make an impact on public opinion
was greater than that of ordinary people, rumor mills
notwithstanding. The published pronouncements of a press member, for
example, would be distinct from the chattering of the masses, even if
both say the same thing.
With
the rise of the Internet and social media, however, ordinary citizens
have gained that ability once reserved to the press. Facebook likes
and Twitter trending topics have become nearly as powerful (though
not as credible or in-depth) a barometer for the social pulse as
newspaper editorials and poll results. Blogs have given netizens
space once enjoyed only by columnists to weigh in on the issues of
the day, and find their audience. Finally, as the accusations of
plagiarism of bloggers against Senator Vicente “Tito” Sotto show,
our Internet-posted written work can be considered publications in
and of themselves; or at the very least, our pronouncements written,
recorded, and widely disseminated. Yet in truth, the average
netizen’s Internet activity doesn’t really compare to the
aforementioned powerful pronouncements of traditional media; they’re
more properly the masses’ chattering, with all its colorful
language and layman’s imprecision—except with greater reach than
before.
Seemingly,
RA 10175’s libel provision, a late addition to the original draft,
based on records of legislative proceedings, overlooks this
distinction. It is already lamentable that the traditional media man
can be sent to jail, when civil penalties would be more fitting: the
United Nations Human Rights Commission has commented as much in the
past. This “libel loophole” in the Cybercrime Law can now be
exploited by unscrupulous men in power to suppress regular free
speech over the Internet, all by taking offense to critical
statements they claims to be false and malicious, and through threat
of imprisonment and site take-down. (Let’s also not forget that
such men would have the resources to sustain a protracted legal
battle.) Yet such the free flow of information, even through the
masses’ chattering over the Internet, is critical for democracy’s
vibrancy. Indeed, truthful information, but verified by facts freely
offered and observed in the public arena, not by intimidation of
doubters.
When
we come down to it, after all passion and reason are spent, it is
because of the expanded space and amplified volume the Internet gives
to people’s voices, and libel’s criminal status in Philippine
law, that fear has struck the hearts of Filipino netizens.
Legislators might have meant well in considering libel that can be
committed on the Internet, but in seeking to suppress it, they are
shooting at fleeting shadows. What they hit is not the informed word
of a journalist who fails the obligation for truth-telling, but
ordinary people who want to air their gripes and share their
opinions, nowadays through retweets and likes.
It
would be wise to listen to the chattering masses in this case.
Freedom of speech is the first defense against despotism, and the
first tool of accountability. The libel provision of the Cybercrime
Law does not know the collateral damage it can cause.
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