Malaysia annexed Sabah. Will Bangsamoro be next?

Pact with ‘Bangsamoro’ boon or bane?

By Butch del Castillo / Omerta

‘HUH?”

That was all I could say in disbelief when first I heard Malacañang’s excited announcement that a so-called framework agreement on the Bangsamoro had been reached in Kuala Lumpur between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front or MILF. The announcement said the pact was the “breakthrough” that both sides had long sought toward finally attaining long-lasting peace in strife-torn Mindanao.

The news was jubilantly met by the majority of Muslims in Mindanao. But the reaction of the people in the rest of the country was far more subdued, mainly because they had yet to be told of the terms of the agreement.

In fact, the spontaneous rejoicing on the part of our Muslim brothers only made non-Muslim Filipinos suspicious. There was a palpable sense of apprehension that the government may have conceded too much to the other side. If not, what could have made them so jubilantly happy?

The earth-shaking news rocked Mindanao. It came like a bolt from the blue. Most people weren’t even aware there were peace talks going on and being hosted by Malaysia.

As far as I was concerned, however, something didn’t add up. Even before I could read the agreement, I immediately saw something, a fundamental flaw, that made me reject the “historic” document.

That fundamental flaw, as far as I am concerned, is the acceptance and use of the term “Bangsamoro”—which, as defined in the agreement, would be an “autonomous nation-state” under the control of the MILF. Immediately I saw the incongruity of a bangsa within a bansa, or a nation within a nation.

It’s just like a play within a play. Each one has a different tale to tell. For crying out loud, what’s so objectionable about the generic term “Muslim Mindanao”?

On the day Malacañang made the official announcement on the framework agreement, the DWIZ noontime program Business is our Business interviewed the acting governor of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), Mujiv Sabbihi Hataman, party-list representative of Anak Mindanao.

Hataman said the Bangsamoro would be a political entity, which would replace the ARMM by virtue of an executive order following the signing of the framework agreement.

He said there would be formed a transitional commission that would draft a basic law for the creation of the Bangsamoro. This draft law would then be submitted to Congress to pass with minimal or no changes.

When I pointed out that the use of Bangsamoro meant that it has not, after all, totally abandoned its separatist aspirations, Hataman tried to play it down with this explanation:

“Bangsamoro naman ’yan, eh. Parang ano lang ’yan… political entity in lieu of ARMM. Pangalan lang ’yan noong ano…hindi na ARMM kundi Bangsamoro na ang pangalan nya. [It’s just a name in lieu of ARMM.]”

I insisted that problems could arise in the future precisely because of that name. He said he foresaw no problems because before the new political entity is put in place, it would have to undergo a whole process from drafting of the basic law, enactment by Congress and ratification by the people (of Muslim Mindanao). This is what Hataman told the DWIZ: “Tingin ko, hindi ho. Baka magkaroon lang ng mis-appreciation lang d’yan. Kasi hindi ko makita ang problema. Unang-una, dahil idadaan pa ito sa proseso. Ang pag draft ng basic law, idadaan sa Kongreso at ira-ratify ng mamamayan.”

My point is if it is, indeed, just a name, why stick to the “Bangsamoro” label, which—apart from reminding us of Muslim Mindanao’s separatist ambitions, also evokes images of separate armed and police forces.

Sen. Panfilo Lacson hit the nail on the head when he asked whether the Bangsamoro would have a separate police force accountable only to the new political entity.

The other question is a basic one—will the new political entity, as a nation within a nation, have a flag of its own? Will its people pledge allegiance to the Republic of the Philippines and consider themselves Filipinos forever? What about territorial accessibility by the country’s armed forces in case of a breakdown in law and order?

This new arrangement has led PDI columnist Rigoberto Tiglao to express fear that instead of a legacy of lasting peace, P-Noy’s pact with the MILF would be his “curse” on the nation.

The whole agreement, I’m afraid, is so lopsidedly in favor of the MILF.

Omerta_bdc@yahoo.com

Runaway justice

Editorial

ONE MAN in custody, two others still at large, trial yet to begin one year after the crime. That, in a nutshell, is the depressing reality of the case relating to the murder of Italian missionary Fr. Fausto “Pops” Tentorio, who was gunned down outside his convent in Arakan town, North Cotabato, in October last year. Tentorio was shot eight times in the chest by a man who, in a horrifyingly familiar fashion, then calmly walked to a waiting motorcycle and sped away.

The assassin left behind the lifeless body of a foreign priest who had chosen to live in the hinterlands of the country since 1978, in the company of poor and powerless Filipinos whose upliftment Tentorio had dedicated his life and ministry to. Father Pops became known in the area as a champion of human rights, an outspoken opponent of large-scale mining and “a true servant who represents the best of humanity,” as he was described by those who came in tears after he fell to a hail of bullets.

Three months after the murder, a certain Jimmy Ato was captured in Arakan and identified by authorities as the main suspect in the killing. He has remained in custody all this time, awaiting trial, while other suspects, including Ato’s brother and alleged accomplice, are still at large.

Fr. Peter Geremia, the assistant parish priest of Arakan and head of the Justice for Father Pops Movement, noted that as of Oct. 17, the first anniversary of Tentorio’s killing, there has been no word from the Department of Justice on the status of the case, except a conversation Geremia said he had with Justice Undersecretary Francisco Baraan on Sept. 13. When Geremia followed up the case, he said Baraan told him: “Sorry, Father, to tell you that the NBI (National Bureau of Investigation) doubts your witnesses.”

Those witnesses surfaced in March this year, claiming that the assassination had been planned by Jan Corbala, also known as Commander Iring, the leader of a paramilitary group in the area called the Bagani Tribal Force. In July, however, Geremia decried what he said was the military’s apparent intent to hinder the case by refusing to allow NBI agents to enter its camps in North Cotabato to investigate the Bagani group’s involvement in the case.

That protest went nowhere; the case at this point is nowhere near resolution as it was one year ago.

We have said it many times—President Aquino’s administration, while it has made encouraging strides in such areas as economic reform, the fight against corruption and making peace with Islamic insurgents in Mindanao, might well forfeit all such hard-won gains over the one basic task it has miserably failed at: law and order.

The ability of Father Pop’s killers to evade the law with impunity is not an aberration. It is a continuing, and most damning, affirmation of the government’s impotence to throw the book at powerful criminals and well-connected lowlifes who are able to count on the protection of shadowy forces in society, not to mention the glacial pace of the justice system, to shun accountability for their crimes.

They may not be as well-known, but those suspects have now joined a rather illustrious rogues’ gallery of master escapists like retired major general Jovito Palparan, still scot-free despite a so-called massive manhunt against him. Are we to believe that no one in the military and police communities—for all the billions of pesos of unaudited intelligence funds lavished on them—have yet any idea where their erstwhile colleague is, or who might be helping him hide?

Palparan’s non-capture grows farcical by the minute. So does that of Palawan governor Joel Reyes and other suspects in the murder of environmentalist and radio broadcaster Gerry Ortega, with its bad-novel tale of assumed identities and escorted escapes right through the Immigration area of the country’s international airport. Reyes is reportedly in Bangkok under a new name; who knows, the next time we hear of him he might even have become one of the city’s famed “ladyboys,” just to elude deportation.

But he needn’t work too hard, because the Philippine government appears to be in no hurry to haul him, or Palparan, or the cult leader and former congressman Ruben Ecleo Jr., or the killers of Father Pops, before the bar of justice. Mr. Aquino can announce to the world ad nauseam that it’s morning again in the Philippines, but all that putative progress won’t matter until the fundamental idea that crime does not pay becomes, once again, a reality honored in this country not in the breach but in the observance.

NAIA bags title of ‘Worst Airport in Asia’ for 2012

October 22, 2012

by FallenAngel

Pinoy pride fans, rejoice! The Philippines can add another achievement to its ever growing list! Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) Terminal 1 has brushed off competition to once again bag the title of “Worst Airport”! This makes it two (2) years in a row! PINOY PRIDE YEAH! Let’s go for three-peat in 2013!

The difference, though, between last year and this year is that “The Guide to Sleeping in Airports”, the website who ran the survey, is that they divided the worst airport categories by region. So in effect, the title of ‘Worst Airport in the World’ didn’t exist this year; NAIA is now just the “Worst Airport in Asia”. BOO! We were cheated! We used to be worst in the world, now we’re just worst in Asia! Give us back our “World’s Worst Airport” title, you racist basterds!

It doesn’t matter though, whether it’s in Asia, or the world, basta Pinoy da best! Let’s all cheer, scream, march out on the streets, and start opening those bottles of San Miguel Beer!

NB: the above paragraphs are sarcastic in tone. I have to explain it to Pinoys who are satirically and sarcastically challenged.

So what exactly did travelers complain about this year? According to the website:

Traveller Complaints: (Anything and everything) Poor Transit Facilities • Queues • Bribery • Crowded • Insufficient Seating • Delays receiving bags on belt • Poor quality restaurants • Taxi Scams

“at this airport you have to have your itinerary to enter the terminal. i forgot it that day and so the police said if i give him 10 USD he’ll let me in.” – beaniebaby

Pretty much what they complained about last year. Even the dirty toilets are still an issue.

Even how government officials replied is pretty much the same, too. NAIA Terminal 1 manager Dante Basanta was quoted as saying, “It’s unfair for them to say that we have the world’s worst airport because we’ve already implemented several improvements at the terminal for the past several months.” And according to presidential spokesperson Edwin Lacierda, “Tuloy-tuloy po ang gagawin nating renovation po dito sa NAIA 1 and syempre we are always cognizant of the concerns of travelers and certainly we‘ll take this to (heart) (The renovations are ongoing at NAIA 1 and of course we are always cognizant of the concerns of travelers…). For my last example, Consuelo Bungag, media affairs chief of the Manila International Airport Authority (MIAA), chimed in, “That’s their opinion. From our end, we know we are doing our best to improve both the facilities and services here at the airport.”

In other words, ”We’re working on it; cut us some slack” and ”Screw the surveys, they’re not reflecting our reality, ah basta!”

Now comes the question which authorities in charge will, I think, be hard-pressed and stymied in answering: Where are the results?

It makes you wonder: how serious is our government in their efforts to promote tourism if they can’t even fix the airport?! Now that the airport has been cited two (2) years in a row, do they actually think they can say that their efforts have been successful?! Can they say through their teeth that, indeed, “It’s More Fun in the Philippines” if the first impression that our potential guests get is an awful one?

It’s simple, really. First impressions last. How tourists find your airport will inescapably leave a lasting impression on them. It is the first, and most important step, in making them feel welcome to your country. If you want them to stay, you better make their experience through it as pleasant, smooth and efficient as possible. How hard is that to understand?

Case in point: when I went to Thailand this year, Suvarnabhumi Airport was a great example of this policy in motion. The inside was really clean, getting through immigration was a walk in the park, and the design of the airport allowed for smooth flow of traffic. Plus, the seats are good enough to sleep in even for the most weary traveler. Apparently, the Immigration Division of Thailand has a 3S policy in place: Service mind, security, and standard.

“The purpose of the 3S policy is to improve the quality of our services. We want to give our guests a good impression by making sure that our officers are offering services from the heart (Service Mind) to create security for the country and its people (Security), under the correct rules and regulations (Standard).”

“‘3S’ makes sure that our officers are friendly to the people no matter what nationality they are. The officers must remember to smile. They must be willing to do whatever task is necessary and not choose to do only do the tasks they want. They must offer a service that satisfies people’s needs and makes people comfortable in their dealings with the police,”

Of course, this concept is most likely to be lost on Filipinos, who would rather do with pwede-na-iyan, bahala na, ningas-kugon, and avoidance of responsibility.

There are Pinoys out there who claim to have been to other continents and cry foul; there are other airports in Asia and the world worse than ours. Well, to me, that is a sign of escapist thinking. Someone is worse off than you, so no need to change your current situation. They should get the following message through their thick skulls: It doesn’t matter if you’re the world’s worst or not. What matters is that you’ve been told that your house is dirty. Stop whining and let’s clean up!

Let’s not make the simple complicated, folks. If we’re really resolved to show tourists why it’s more fun in the Philippines, let’s at least give them the proper introduction and welcome. It starts the minute they land.

The No-Spin Zone: Philippine Tourism and Truth in Advertising

Any Filipino who has traveled outside of the Philippines will see the ridiculousness of the proposition that “It’s More Fun in the Philippines”

Having been born and raised in the Philippines, one knows the attractions like the back of one’s hand. While it is true that beauty is in the eye of the beholder – we are trying to attract visitors (tourists) who have certain modicums of “beauty”, standards of cleanliness and order.

Vested interests in the Philippine tourism industry have nudged the Dept of Tourism to front the money for a tourism campaign. Such a marketing blitz should be paid for by the tourist facility operators – and not taxpayers. However, this also means that permits, fees, and taxes on tourism businesses should be reduced so they will have more money in their company coffers to launch their own respective marketing campaigns.

Having said that – let me get to the meat of the matter. Not only is the Philippine government’s tourism campaign wasteful – it is also dishonest because it’s not really “more fun in the Philippines”. Repeating a lie over and over “that it’s more fun” – will not make it any closer to the truth.

The tourism blitz will of course hype the end-destination. The problem with that is that the destination is but half of the journey. The other half of the journey is getting to the destination and back.

For argument’s sake, let’s say we have some real nice end-destinations. But, before a tourist can get there, a tourist has to jump through hoops. In other countries, all the proverbial stops are removed. In the Philippines, we put lots of stops and throw monkey wrenches at what otherwise would have been an idyllic fun vacation in other parts of the world.

Here are some of the roadblocks and show stoppers that Filipinos know by heart.

1. The airports suck - we limit development of airports to Filipino majority companies only – and thus we miss out on the state of the art innovations elsehwere in the world..

2. The restaurants don’t have decent rest rooms - the toilets are crawling with flies and maggots and the smell of piss reaches the high heavens.

3. There are no rest areas for motorists. They have to scrounge around for a decent place – and they wind up in this stinking carinderias – see No.2

4. There are no expressways which can take domestic and foreign tourists to attractions faster. Faster and more convenient access increase tourism turnover – and revenue.

5. Pinoy drivers suck – When tourists get stuck in traffic they get to see real life in the Philippines. There is no road courtesy among Pinoy drivers.

If you think the American drivers have a monopoly on road rage, they don’t hold a candle to the demi-gods of the Philippines who will have their goons manhandle anyone who dares overtake their shining SUV’s paid for by taxpayers.

Then there’s the assortment of jeepney drivers, bus drivers, tricycle drivers who turn the streets of the Philippines into one big palengke – complete with cigarette vendors, pork rind (chicharon) vendors who drop and pick up passengers whenever and wherever they want – including in the middle of the road.

And it gets worse because the LTO which issues the drivers licenses does not really conduct honest-to-goodness drivers exams. After taking the “seminar” in LTO – the LTO gives the answers to the exam to the attendees. The applicants are given the written exam – and they just copy the answer key provided by the LTO. And we wonder why there is so much mayhem in Philippine roads.

My memories of an entire balikbayan family who was wiped off the face of the planet by a bus falling off a ravine is still intact. I can’t for the life of me – take the “it’s more fun in the Philippines” with a grain of salt.

5. Few choices of airlines - The recent brawl between Tulfo, Santiago, and Baretto reminds me that you are stuck between one lousy Filipino airline versus a lousier Filipino airline – no thanks to a xenophobic constitution.

Why should Filipinos put up with a lousy Cebu Pacific and an equally lousy Philippine airlines? Because the Philippine constitution says so. So forget about having the exceptional service of Singapore airlines or Cathay Pacific to our island destinations. Forget the huge traffic that these airlines can bring via their own sales channels – because oh well – it’s not operated by Filipino businesses.

We really need to get over this fixation on misguided economic nationalism. Protecting Filipino businesses like PAL and Cebu Pacific wind up with oligarch predators who prey on their countrymen. Oh and those PAL employees who feel entitled to job security? Screw you! The PAL employees are among the worst I have seen in my travels. PAL has an attitude that it is a privilege for customers to be on a PAL airplane. Fortunately for PAL (but not for Filipinos)- it is protected by the Philippine government in the sense that foreigners can’t buy out the company in toto – and get it back to shape.

6. Then there’s the hordes of kibitzers and groupies of alalays that accompany politicians when you go to the attractions or wherever – and the kilala mo ba kung sino ako syndrome.

It’s rather unnerving to see throngs of armed people surrounding a local version of Jabba the Hut who may have the title of Mayor, Congressman, Governor, Councilor, Senator, President and what not.

Picture yourself in line at a convenience store, or a food chain – and someone cuts in because well – he’s the errand boy of a local big shot. And if you remind them that they should fall in line – these blokes will brandish a gun or dish out the famous – “don’t you know who I am”. If it were a Hollywood movie it would be so tempting to just shoot these dudes and give a reply – “I don’t know who you are – and I don’t give a fuck. Meet my buddy Smith and Wesson”.

7. Beggars everywhere.  Another thing which really bugs tourists is to see beggars all over the place.

How can one enjoy eating a good meal  when on the other side of the glass window you are greeted to the sight of hungry street children looking at your meal with such longing. And it’s not just one child – it’s a whole lot of children. If it was only one – it would be easy to shell out some cash and get the kid a meal. But when you bump into street urchins in every street corner – the experience is just not so “touristy”.

Smell the Kape

Before the Philippines wastes money on a dishonest campaign that claims it’s more fun in the Philippines – make it fun for Filipinos – then the world will listen. Otherwise, who are we kidding… Hell no, it ain’t more fun in the Philippines.

About the Author

BongV has written 440 stories on this site.

The Bangsamoro Framework Agreement: Islamo Socialism’s Unfounded Hopes

“Give peace a chance” goes the supporters of the Framework Agreement. Absolutely, give peace a chance – but what kind of a peace are we talking about? The peace of subjugated slaves leaves a bad taste in the mouth.

The roots of the conflict in Mindanao boils down to economics – not politics. Economist Milton Friedman pointed out the inherently peaceful nature of an open economy: the free market, he wrote ‘does not care what [the participants'] religion is; it only cares whether they can produce something you want to buy. It is the most effective system we have discovered to enable people who hate one another to deal with one another and help one another’.

That there is so much violence in the region is an indicator of economic repression – people are not allowed the freedom of choice to choose their economic destiny as they see fit. Rather, they are subjected to the tyranny of government regulations – and the nanny state.

Recall that China’s socialism did not improve the life of its citizens – markets did. Vietnam’s socialism did not improve the life of its citizens – markets did. This new panacea offered by the corporatist Aquino government and its corporatist partners in the West raises unfounded hopes of peace. Islamo socialism will not improve the life of the Moro – never has, never will.

The Peace Dividend Scam

The gilded age of Islam, it’s wealth and the flourishing of algebra and chemistry did not come from the whims of despots but from the free market traditions that prevailed in the region during its heyday. Will the Bangsamoro framework agreement have these same liberal traditions? Absolutely not.

The pronouncement of Abad of more government spending for the ARMM as a peace dividend is a ruse.

“It’s a concrete gesture of the president (Benigno S. C. Aquino III) to demonstrate sincerity,” Budget Secretary Florencio B. Abad said of the plan, which he described as showing the government’s commitment to a framework agreement that was signed last week.

“We want to do this to be able to demonstrate to the MILF, its 11,000 combatants, and the communities that they serve that the peace dividends from the signing of the framework agreement will bring immediate, direct, and substantial benefits to them,” he said in a text message.

The Philippines today has increased its public spending on everything – the food you eat, the water you drink, the light in your house, your child’s education, your health care – and yet the Filipinos are still stuck with a GDP per capita of $3600, stagnant unemployment of 7%, expanded underemployment of 22% – and an increase in hunger. As reported by the Philstar,

Notwithstanding the P21-billion ($492.9 million) cash dole out program of the government of Philippine President Benigno Aquino III for poverty alleviation, the number of Filipino households that have experienced hunger during the last three months has increased.

A survey conducted exclusively by the Social Weather Stations for the BusinessWorld, a leading business daily here, showed that there was a sharp increase in the number of families without food in the main island of Luzon but has declined in the rest of the country.

The poll conducted from Sept. 4-7 showed that one in five households – 21.5 percent or an estimated 4.3 million families nationwide – experienced having nothing to eat in the last three months.

This was up from the four-year low of 15.1 percent recorded in June and a point worse than the 20.5 percent recorded in March.

What makes the MILF leadership think that more government spending will help the Moros when the Philippines can’t even help the non-Moro Filipinos?

What the Moros can Learn from Islam’s Liberal Economic Traditions

A paper published by Hicham El Moussaoui, Ph.D Assistant Professor in Economics at Sultan Moulay Slimane University (Morocco) showed that:

if the market economy is not developed in Muslim countries it is not because Islam has been applied, but on the contrary, it is because Muslims went away from the teachings and tradition free market economy oriented of Islam, at least during its early stage. A deviation which is explained by several factors, including the blockading of jurisprudence, the collusion between politicians and clergy, colonization, socialism and the misapplication of liberal policies. All factors completely unrelated to the original principles of Islam even if his rhetoric was manipulated to justify many of these deviations by using irrelevant interpretations.

By the time Islam was introduced to Mindanao in the 14th century, Islamo collectivism had already taken root to include Omar Sharif Kabungsuan – and his descendants who are spread throughout the kingdoms of Maguindanao, Lanao, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi. It is no surprise therefore that the MNLF and MILF draw from the same Islamo-collectivist well. This Islamo collectivism has been further expanded with the adoption of socialist approaches picked up by scholars who were sent to enclaves of socialist thought – the University of the Philippines and the Mindanao State University. The exchange of political thought between the MILF and MNLF commanders and their tactical alliances with the reds has led to Islamo-socialism.

To a certain extent the leaders of these “liberation fronts” model their ideal government based on the despotic welfare state regimes of the Middle East who have been propped up by Western corporatists. It is a disturbing portent of things to come.

As the MILF and the Philippine government come up with another political agreement – the elephant in the room remains – what about economic freedom? Without the freedom to make economic choices – the political process is incomplete. Political freedom without economic freedom is a farce.

The Petro Pied Piper

So why push a deeply flawed development model? In plain and simple terms – OIL.

With the signing of this Framework agreement – the Philippine corporatists have given a franchise to the Islamo socialists to govern, provided that the Philippine corporatists are in on the dividends. What dividends exactly?

I recall that as early as 1994, oil exploration was already being conducted by Petronas in the Liguasan Marsh. This has been further verified by wikileaked cables

The cable said the Philippines National Oil Company (PNOC) began exploring for oil and natural gas in the Liguasan Marsh area in 1994 under Geophysical Survey and Exploration Contract (GSEC) 73, which covered all of Maguindanao, North Cotabato, South Cotabato, Sultan Kudurat, Sarangani, Davao, and Bukidnon provinces of Mindanao.

It added that Malaysia’s national oil company, Petronas, partnered with the PNOC for the exploration of the marshland.

“By the late 1990’s, they had located natural gas and/or oil in five sites, including Datu Piang (Dulawan) and Sultan Sa Barongis in Maguindanao and Lambayong in Sultan Kudurat.

According to the PNOC, the estimated natural gas deposits in Sultan Sa Barongis alone would be enough to fuel a 60-megawatt (MW) combined cycle power plant for 20 years.

“The PNOC had hoped to use this gas to support the power requirements of Mindanao as well as for

industrial applications. However, the PNOC and Petronas suspended operations in the Liguasan Marsh area due to threats from the MILF and extortion by local mayors and political warlords,” it added.

It cited incomplete data and unconfirmed reports that the Philippines may have untapped mineral wealth worth between $840 billion and $1 trillion.

If the website of the Royal Hashemite Sultanate of Sulu website is correct, the Philippine government stands to earn 60% of all oil royalties from the find of oil companies

Outgoing Energy Secretary Vince Perez said government expects to sign seven service contracts with foreign companies wanting to explore potential oil sites in the country in the next four months. Perez said the surge in foreign firms, interest in oil exploration activities here was a result of the Supreme Court’s decision allowing the entry of foreign firms in mining. “Thanks to the Supreme Court ruling opening the country’s mining sector to foreign investors, we are starting to feel the spillover effect into our exploration projects,” he said. Under the Petroleum Act, the government will earn some 60 % in royalty of whatever oil or natural gas will be drilled by oil companies from the site.

With oil hitting record prices, you can understand why Aquino and his cronies are giddy with the potential windfall – which will not included the average Juan Dela Cruz, much less the Moro. Just like the meaningless GDP growth, the yield of the oil royalties will not benefit Filipino citizens or the Moros – but it will create more Filipino billionaires – or increase the assets of the usual suspects Ayala, Cojuangco, Lopez, Pangilinan, Tan – and all their errand boys in the Makati Business Club.

Let me describe the oil in Mindanao – if you think Brunei is awash in oil – guess what – it’s just a tributary of the mother lode. This faux war has been staged as a subtle form of ethnocide – to rid the land of the Moros – so that the powers can be in Malacañang can have all the oil for themselves. With oil deposits estimated to range from $840B to $1 trillion – the amounts is enough to pay all the Philippines’ foreign debt – many times over. Will that happen? Your guess is as good as mine.

What’s Aquino doing in Australia? How about negotiating with Australian oil firms who will drill the oil. By the way, Noynoy’s uncle, Danding Cojuangco is the chairman of Petron – and has extensive landholdings in Australia.

The crony news carried the story about Aquino’s joke that “President Aquino jokes that corrupt Filipino officials used to like cars but now use wheelchairs to escape”. Actually the bigger joke is on the Filipinos, who keep on voting for dynasties of corrupt families into office – certainly you take the boy out of Hacienda Luisita, but you can’t get the duplicity of Hacienda Luisita out of the boy.

What Next Philippines

This heady mix of Philippine corporatism – and Islamo socialism will raise expectations – just as it did with the Tripoli agreement; the SPCPD – and now the framework agreement. History teaches us that political reforms which are not accompanied by economic reform are doomed from the get – go. Bringing the moro into the Philippines 60/40 economic regime formalizes their slavery to the oligarchy along with other Filipinos.

MILF and MNLF both want more public spending, more free lunch – which as Hayek pointed out – is the road to serfdom. More government spending for the Bangsamoro and public services is inferior to the ability of the free market to bring prosperity – and is not a cause for celebration – it is a cause for worry.

When the fanfare, press releases, feel good ceremonies are over – it will still boil down to jobs – and there will not be any. When the intoxication and euphoria of these meaningless actions are over, comes the reality check – where are the jobs? Hell breaks loose all over again.

Bangsamoro’s Islamo socialism funded by the world’s corporatists raises unfounded expectations – while looting the individual Moros. Equalizing misery is not an economic development strategy.

References:

1. Islam and free market economy: incompatibility or deviation?

2. Islam and the free market

3. Philippines discover deposits of oil and gas in Mindanao

4. WIKILEAKED CABLE: U.S. KEEN ON MINDANAO RESOURCES

About the Author

BongV has written 442 stories on this site.

PNoy paves the way to Bangsamoro Muslim Republic

BangsaMoro+ 

By FRANK A. HILARIO

MANILA: What’s in a name? 

That which we call a Moro by any other name would smell as sweet as Muslim. This is history repeating itself to teach us, Christians and Muslims.

Not too long ago, the Moros started hating their appellation and cried out to the world that they wanted to be called Muslims. “Moros” (singular, “Moro”) had a smell-bad history; it was the name the Spanish colonizers called the people of Islam in Southern Philippines, and they hated that, not only because the name reminded them of Spanish abuses, but also because Moros referred to the Moors, the medieval Muslims of Spain and, of course, medieval is medieval. 

Now that the Muslims in Mindanao have argued and agreed in the matter of creating a nation called BangsaMoro - literally, nation of Moros - this is proof to me that we should confront history and not simply reject it, even if it smells really bad. He who rejects history is bound to accept it. 

As a concept, BangsaMoro is a good beginning. The Moros want to build their nation in Southern Philippines - let them. Building your nation is writing its history the way you want it. The management genius Peter Drucker did say, “The best way to predict the future is to invent it.” The Moros in these islands have a future to invent. They have a right to invent that future the way they want it. They have a right to be wrong. 

Is the framework agreement bad? Never mind. As in creative writing, in building a nation, a good beginning is any beginning. Now the Moros have something to think about. Let them use their own creative thinking! As in creative writing, in building a nation, you work first on the chaos. Now the Moros have to write their own history working on their own disorder. Let them use their own creative writing! 

The whole idea is? Self-reliance. Autonomy is independence with rules, borders, limits. Self-determination is self-rule with restrictions. Self-government is sovereignty with responsibility and accountability. 

As a writer and thinker, I don’t care who the Moro leaders will be, but I care what ideals BangsaMoro will be run with. Automatically, The Four Freedoms will be invoked: freedom of speech & expression, freedom of worship, freedom from want, freedom from fear. But I have already contested such freedoms, and have instead proposed “The 4 Accesses of Democracy” (see my “The 4 Impractical Freedoms,” The Creattitudes Encyclopedia, 12 June 2007, blogspot.com): 

Access to the media, more than freedom of speech & expression – for both educated and uneducated. Access is everything. Otherwise, who can exercise their freedom of speech? Only those who have access to print, radio, TV, phone, or electronic media. 

Access to the Church, more than freedom of worship – for both public and private persons. Access to the highest moral standards is key. Otherwise, if you separate Church from State, you separate morality from living, separate values from work & play. 

Access to the supply, more than freedom from want – for both rich and poor. Access is of the essence. Otherwise, only those who are rich can enjoy food, clothing, shelter, medicine, water, electricity, transportation – the perks of abundance. 

Access to security, more than freedom from fear – for leaders and followers, employers and employees, employed and unemployed. Otherwise, those who feel secure are only those who can afford to pay for services under the law: education, justice, insurance, social security. 

Working on The 4 Accesses, the people of BangsaMoro have their work cut out for them. I’m sure they’ll do right by themselves. 

Now I’m jealous. I remember what is good for General Motors is good for America. Shamelessly borrowing from the Americans, I say what’s good for the Moros is good for the Philippines. So now I shall strongly push for the building of other bangsas within the Philippines applying modern ideas of sustainable development: 

BangsaCebu. Autonomous Cebu plus neighboring provinces. Let a modern Lapu-Lapu rise from among the people who is willful and a risk-taker such as in economic innovations. 

BangsaPalawan. Autonomous Palawan plus neighboring provinces. Let a new leadership develop its forests, soils and waters based on wise use concepts such as optimum sustainable yield. 

BangsaCentral. Autonomous Zambales plus Pangasinan, Tarlac, Nueva Ecija, Bulacan. Let a modern Princess Urduja lead in creating fertile mountains and valleys via climate-resilient agriculture. 

BangsaBenguet. Autonomous Apayao plus Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga, Mt Province. Let a contemporary Macliing Dulag lead in improving on the ancient rice terraces. 

BangSamarLeyte. Autonomous Samar plus Leyte. Let a leader rise so that the Warays and Cebuanos fight for the good of each other. 

BangSaluyot. Autonomous Ilocos Norte plus Ilocos Sur, Abra, La Union. Let a modern Lam-ang lead the Ilocanos in building watersheds where dry soils stood before, and growing crops where none grew before. 

More. But why so many nations within the Philippines? Because so many bangsas will deconstruct Manila Imperialism, which has remained impregnable since the time of Manuel Luis Quezon. Down with Imperialism!

CROSSROADS
Guarded optimism

By Jonathan de la Cruz 

Of course, we are all for peace and development, especially in Mindanao. Considered the Land of Promise, Mindanao’s potentials have been stymied no end by decades old fighting on at least two fronts — the Muslim secessionist movement and the Communist led insurgency — and unabated politicking leaving the country’s second biggest island and the residents therein even more numb and cynical about prospects for the better. It is time these conflicts are finally resolved and the politicking kept to a minimum so Mindanao and for that matter the entire country can move on as one unified nation to achieve stability and progress for all.

Which is why we welcome this fresh initiative to bring about lasting peace in Southern Philippines specifically in Muslim Mindanao. But we should do so with eyes wide open and properly instructed by the lessons of the past. So many lives and properties have been lost over decades of fighting not to mention opportunities for advancement missed over the years. Even the new discussants, if we may call them that, on both sides of the negotiating table should by now be fully aware of the obstacles along this newly opend “road to peace at last.”

The country has been on this road before: Full of hope and better times ahead only for the process to be waylaid beyond repair leading to armed hostilities, lives lost, people displaced and communities in disarray. We should not and cannot afford to let our people go through the same traumatic experience all over again.

A situation of suspended animation, a kind of “no peace, no war” environment such as what P-Noy claims the “failed experiment” that we have now may, in fact, be better for many people than to be ushered into another roller-coaster ride of unfulfilled expectations. But since the administration has brought us to this pass we may as well engage it in the hope that somehow with an informed and united citizenry this new experiment will finally bring us to the promised land, as it were.

Which is why it is incumbent upon all of us but most especially the parties who negotiated this Framework Agreement (FA) to now bring the entire discussions and the processes involved up to the plebiscite ratifying the basic law creating the new entity called Bangsamoro to the light of day.

Let us begin with some of the more obvious concerns emanating from the FA as signed. A number of legal experts have voiced alarm over the “missing annexes” underlying the basic principles contained in the signed framework. Former UP College of Law Dean Raul Pangalangan, for example, asked where were the “Annexes on Power Sharing, Wealth Sharing and Transitional Arrangements,” to name just three of the more critical ones, since it is advised that the same were declared as forming part of the said agreement. What do these annexes contain?

If the same are to be the subject of further discussions then why did the framers not advise that that was so? What kept them from being forthright about it? Is it possible the framers were undertime or other pressure to come out with the agreement in the manner it was done which prevented them from coming out with the annexes as is usually expected of agreements of this nature? If so, they should at least give us an idea what pressures were applied so the nation will know how to handle these the moment the entire agreement is fleshed out and the basic law drafted for consideration by Congress.

Another foremost legal mind, 1987 Constitutional Commission member and former Ateneo de Manila Law Dean Joaquin Bernas, brought out the problem of vagueness of some key provisions of the agreement which may open it immediately to a constitutional challenge. He noted the use of the term “asymmetrical,” that is, irregular, i.e., “contrary to rule or accepted order or general practice’’ or lopsided,  i.e.,  “having one side lower or smaller or lighter than the other” in describing the relationship between the national government and the Bangsamoro. What did the parties really mean when they used this term instead of say, subordinate, which is how local government units relate with the central government or even associative which is how the relationship was described in the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain negotiated by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front with the previous administration. At least, these two terms would have given everybody a clearer idea of how the Bangsamoro would fit in our present form of government.

Bernas also echoed an earlier observation of another legal eagle, former Justice Secretary and Solicitor General Estelito Mendoza, who said the Framework Agreement only vaguely referred to the 1987 Constitution as the overriding guide in its formulation and eventual implementation. Mendoza noted that the Constitution was only mentioned in passing and not even with the kind of clear and direct injunction for it to be governed by the processes provided for therein. Bernas noted, for example, that the “provisions of the basic law shall be consistent with all agreements of the parties” without even advising that the same shall always be subject to the “constitutional processes” provided under the 1987  Constitution.

Were the parties concerned that the documents they will present for ratification in the event the same passes muster in the next Congress will not be able to hurdle the constitutional challenge which will surely ensue? Or were they as assured as former Dean Marvic Leonen was when he insisted that the panels will make sure that the Bangsamoro basic law will not violate any provisions of the 1987 Constitution at all?

That as far as this agreement is concerned there was no need to amend any provision of the Constitution as the same can be applied flexibly as and when needed? If so, then good luck to them. Which is why the clear fleshing out of the basic provisions, proper education and informed discussion should accompany the, for want of a better term, drumbeating for this new arrangement from hereon.

Indeed, while we are as hopeful as most of our people are about the prospects for peace in Mindanao with this new agreement we are as aware as P-Noy and his crew are that the road to a “just and lasting peace” remains rocky and hard. It will take more sweat and maybe tears but hopefully no more blood to make that elusive dream come true. Prayers and faith in the goodness of each and every Filipino will, of course, be most critical as we move on. Let that journey begin.

etulfo2011@yahoo.com

Here we go . . .
ERWIN TULFO

EVEN before the signing of the framework agreement for the final peace agreement between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in Malacañang last week, Mindanaoans were pessimistic that a lasting peace in the area would be made within reach.

Residents of Mindanao, both Christians and Muslims, know that so long as there are armed groups in the mountains like the MILF breakaway group, the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) under Commander Umbra Kato, peace is unattainable. 

And just a few days ago, Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) Chairman Nur Misuari told his followers in a gathering in Davao City that armed struggle remained as their option if the agreement between the GPH and the MILF continues while the original peace agreement with the MNLF signed in 1996 has not been properly implemented by the government. 

Kato and his band of fighters seek a totally separate state that is independent from the government of the Philippines, while Misuari feels that the agreement which created the Bangsamore entity is a violation of the 1976 Tripoli agreement and directly contradicts the creation of the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in 1996. 

However, former MILF spokesman Eid Kabalu in a radio interview downplayed the threats of the MNLF and the MILF’s former colleagues, the BIFF members. 

Kabalu said that there is still a lot of time and a lot of work to be done before the peace agreement taken effect. He said the MILF leadership will include the other parties such as Nur and Kato’s group in the Bangsamoro entity. 

But what if the former Tausog fighter and the MILF renegade commander refuse the MILF’s offer? Definitely, it’s back to square one . . . war in Mindanao. 

The AFP chief of staff immediately vowed to crush the MNLF rebellion or any other armed struggle in Mindanao that do not agree with the said peace agreement. 

General Dellosa sounded like a boring standup comedian when he made that statement. He probably forgot that several presidents already have passed and thousands of soldiers have been killed, yet rebellion in Mindanao is still prevalent. The AFP cannot even suppress the Abu Sayyaf, a rebel and terrorist group associated with Jemaah Islamiyah and al-Qaeda. 

War in Mindanao, General Dellosa, is some Mindanaoans’ way of life, sir, (just in case you do not know or haven’t been there).

COMMONSENSE

A Gaddafi-less Misuari 

By Marichu A. Villanueva

Once known as one of the world’s most controversial and colorful authoritarian rulers, erstwhile President of Libya Muammar Gaddafi met his bloody end on Oct. 20 last year. Gaddafi led for more than 42 years one of Africa’s biggest oil producing countries.

When rebels toppled and killed Gaddafi, they brought an end to his leadership that was much hated also by the West for what they decried as a reign of terror in Libya. Recognized for his fashion sense of wearing bright colors, long, flowing robes and flashy sunglasses, Gaddafi’s hold on power began to disintegrate in February last year when the so-called Arab Spring-style protests erupted in the eastern city of Benghazi.

Gaddafi security forces met the protesters with violence, leading civilians to take up arms and form a rebel army. The rebels battled Gaddafi’s well-armed forces for months before finally taking Tripoli, their country’s capital city, with the help of air strikes from the United States and its allies from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). It was in Sirte, Gaddafi’s hometown, where the flamboyant Libyan leader made his final stand, before the city fell to rebel forces that ended his strongman regime.

Libya took a major step toward democracy in July this year with the holding of its first free election for their country’s first-ever general national congress (GNC). Wire reports have it that Prime Minister-elect Ali Zeidan is still trying to form a broadly acceptable cabinet.

While most Libyans reportedly remain delighted that Gaddafi has gone and many voice cautious optimism about their country’s prospects, deadly chaos still dogs this North African nation. A year after they toppled Gaddafi, internal strife continues to haunt Libya where militias still call the shots, literally with their high-powered weapons. Gaddafi loyalists are accused of trying to destabilize their nation’s journey to democracy.

The present situation in Libya took a turn for the worse with the armed attack last month on the US consulate in the eastern city of Benghazi where US ambassador Chris Stevens and three other Americans were killed. This incident highlighted the fragility of the Libyan state as it struggles to emerge from the legacy of Gaddafi’s tyrant rule.

With Gaddafi totally out of the picture, Nur Misuari — founding chieftain of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) — has lost his most ardent supporter among his Muslim brothers in the erstwhile Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC).

Gaddafi coddled and gave Misuari refuge for years as a young Muslim rebel from the Philippines who fled to Libya at the height of then President Ferdinand Marcos’ war against MNLF’s secessionists in Mindanao. With the blessings and full backing (and funding) by Gaddafi, Misuari was able to secure the 1976 Tripoli Agreement with the Marcos government. The Tripoli Agreement, among other things, called for the creation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).

While cooling his heels in Tripoli, Misuari was convinced to fly back to the Philippines after the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution. The late President Corazon Aquino, who took over from Marcos, sent presidential brother-in-law Agapito Aquino to fetch Misuari from Tripoli and came back to resume MNLF’s formal peace talks with the Philippine government.

It was under the auspices of the OIC that Misuari’s MNLF entered into a formal peace agreement in September 1996. The OIC-backed peace pact, as brokered by Indonesia, however, left out the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) headed by Hashim Salamat who broke away from Misuari’s MNLF.

Fast forward. After years of negotiations and three administrations later, the shoe is now on the other foot. Misuari felt left out in the October 15 Framework Agreement signed by the government with the MILF for the establishment of a new autonomous political entity called Bangsamoro. Misuari insists the MNLF holds a permanent observer status by the OIC as the sole representative of Muslims in the Philippines.

President Benigno “Noy” Aquino III witnessed the signing of the Framework Agreement along with Prime Minister Najib Razak of Malaysia — which brokered the peace pact with the MILF — and OIC secretary-general Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu who flew all the way to Manila to support the new peace deal for Mindanao. Ihsanoglu had an hour-long private meeting with President Aquino afterwards at Malacañang.

Among other things, this Framework Agreement called for a basic law that a 15-man joint government-MILF panel will draft for Congress approval to establish a transitional Bangsamoro to replace the ARMM. And perhaps, the Bangsamoro entity will have expanded coverage of areas if ratified in a plebiscite.

Ihsanoglu proposed last week the holding of a tripartite meeting between the Philippine government, MNLF and the OIC to “find practical and implementable solutions for the remaining unresolved issues” in the Tripoli Agreement that Misuari claims were not fulfilled yet.

Misuari was unconvinced to work with the new government peace deal with the MILF. He rejected the unity talks offer by the OIC for both MNLF and the MILF to settle their differences. Instead, Misuari announced he plans to face the OIC leaders when they hold their regular meeting in Djibouti next month to present his formal complaints against the Philippine government’s non-compliance to its peace pact with the MNLF.

The 70-year old Misuari is obviously still counting on the OIC, now renamed as Organization of Islamic Cooperation, to give him the same support through these years. But without his brother Gaddafi backing him up, it would be difficult for the former MNLF chieftain to get fresh support.

As President Aquino described it, the ARMM — which Misuari headed for six years — has been a “failed experiment.” Misuari had been given a chance to make the peace deal in Mindanao work. But he bungled it. If he really desires peace for Mindanao, Misuari should give way to people who can try to make it succeed this time.

A Gaddafi-less Misuari no longer casts big, dark shadows on our own search for peace in southern Philippines.

Hope for development and peace in Mindanao
By KA IKING SEÑERES

I am a son of Mindanao. I was born in the land of the Bagobos, and I grew up in the land of the Lapaknon. You probably have not heard of the Lapaknons, but they are a sub-group of the Manobo tribe that has evolved into the modern day Butuanon people, already absorbed into the mainstream of Philippine society.

Long ago, I met Prince Omar Kiram, the historian of the Sultanate of Sulu, and I told him my story that the Tausugs had actually originated from Butuan, and one proof is that is the similarity of the languages of the two peoples, a fascinating reality because there is no other similar language across Mindanao, in between Sulu and Butuan. To my surprise, Prince Omar affirmed my story, and that immediately established very close links between us.

I was also surprised when Prince Omar also affirmed my other story that twice in pre-Hispanic history two Butuanon princesses were married to a Sultan Bolkiah from Sabah, hundreds of years apart from each other. Of course, the two namesake Bolkiahs are probably the ancestors of their present day namesake Sultan of Sabah, and therefore it would not be farfetched to say that this living monarch is probably Butuanon by blood not just once, but twice! The plot thickens now, because the Sultan of Sabah has publicly acknowledged the Sultan of Sulu to be his royal cousin, a blood relationship that could be traced all the way back to Butuan!

I have taken the trouble to write these two lead paragraphs as my introduction to this column, to establish the fact that the indigenous peoples of Mindanao all have common roots, regardless of whether they are Lumad or Muslim. I should clarify the fact however that Lumad is neither a tribe nor a religion, and that Moslim is not a tribe either. There are many Lumad tribes, and there are many Muslim tribes as well. Some members of the Lumad tribes might have converted to Islam on their own, but that does not mean that their entire tribe is already Muslim.

As I see it, the socio-political divisions in Mindanao should not be drawn along religious lines, but along economic lines. The conflicts in Mindanao have never been because of religious reasons, but because of economic reasons. The Muslim tribes might say that they have been economically disadvantaged, but they do not have a monopoly of that problem either, because the Lumad tribes have also been disadvantaged, even if they have not taken up arms against the government. The Christians in Mindanao do not belong to any of the tribes, but many of them have been disadvantaged too, often by their own kind.

Going down to the bottom line, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) resorted to military means in order to gain political power, presumably as a strategy to achieve their economic goals. It has always been said by many others that the goal in Mindanao is to achieve peace and development, but I say on the other hand that the proper goal should be the other way around, to achieve development first, as a precondition for lasting peace. It would be very easy to sign a political agreement that would declare peace, but what is really more important than that is the economic package that would guarantee the development component of the peace agreement.

Hong Kong is clearly part of China both politically and territorially, but being a Special Administrative Region (SAR), it is practically autonomous financially and economically, and so is Macau. There is no doubt that the residents of Hong Kong and Macau are definitely citizens of China and no one in these two regions are worried about that issue either, as long as they could go about their business of making money and keeping their economy healthy. It could actually be said that these two economies would suffer if China would intervene in what their economic life.

Assuming that the Bangsa Moro entity would be affirmed by the residents of the covered areas by way of a referendum, I would say that the best approach is to treat it like Hong Kong and Macau, in other words allowing it and helping it to become financially and economically autonomous. Of course, that would be easier said than done, but I am sure that the Philippine government will not be alone in doing that gargantuan task, seeing even now that many foreign governments and international organizations are just waiting to jump in to help, notably the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC).

It may just sound like semantics, but I really believe that it is more logically correct to achieve development first, as a way of laying the groundwork for peace. There is actually nothing to debate about this, because there is still plenty of time to bring in a massive development package first before the referendum is conducted, as a gesture of good faith, if you want to call it that. Hopefully, the package will be bigger than the Marshall Plan, because the war in Mindanao lasted more than the war in Europe, and the damage in Mindanao could actually be bigger.

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